History

Birth of the Republic

The Republic of Indonesia first saw light on August 17, 1945, when its independence was proclaimed just days after the Japanese surrender to the Allies. Pancasila became the ideological and philosophical basis of the Republic, and on August 18, 1945 the Constitution was adopted as the basic law of the country.
Following the provisions of the Constitution, the country is headed by a President who is also the Chief Executive. He is assisted by a Vice-President and a cabinet of ministers.
The sovereignty of the people rests with the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). Hence, the President is accountable to the MPR. The legislative power is vested in the House of Representatives (DPR). Other institutions of the state are the Supreme Court, the Supreme Advisory Council and the Supreme Audit Board. Soekarno became the first President and Chief Executive, and Mohammad Hatta, the first Vice-President of the Republic. On September 5, 1945 the first cabinet was formed.

• The War of Independence
  The infant republic was soon faced with military threats to its very existence. British troops landed in Indonesia as a contingent of the Allied Forces to disarm the Japanese. Dutch troops also seized this opportunity to land in the country, but for a different purpose, - namely, to regain control of the former East Indies. At the beginning they were assisted by British troops under General Christison, a fact later admitted by Lord Louis Mountbatten, the Commander of the Allied Forces in Southeast Asia based in Myanmar. In fact, the British troops were officially only assigned to the task of repatriating Allied prisoners of war and internees.
  On November 10, 1945, fierce fighting broke out between British troops and Indonesian freedom fighters in which the British lost Brigadier Mallaby. As a result, the British turned to an all-out combat from the sea, air and land. The newly-recruited army of the Republic soon realized the superiority of the British forces and withdrew from urban battles. They subsequently formed guerrilla units and fought together with armed groups of the people.
  Under the pretext of representing the Allied Forces, the Dutch sent in more troops to attack Indonesian strongholds. Between 1945 and 1949 they undertook two military actions

• Diplomacy and Fighting
  Meanwhile, on November 11, 1945, Vice-President Hatta issued a manifesto that outlined the basic policy of the new Republic. It was a policy of good neighborhood and peace 22 with the rest of the world. On November 14 of the same year, the newly-appointed Prime Minister, Sutan Syahrir, introduced a parliamentary system, with party representation, in the Republic.
  On December 22, Sutan Syahrir announced Indonesia's acceptance of the British proposal to disarm and confine to internment camps 25,000 Japanese troops throughout the country. This task was successfully carried out by TNI, the Indonesian National Army. Repatriation of the Japanese troops began on April 28, 1946. Because fighting with the Dutch troops continued, the seat of the Republican Government was moved from Jakarta to Yogyakarta on January 4, 1946.

• The Indonesian Question in the United Nations
  The war in Indonesia posed a threat to international peace and security. In the spirit of article 24 of the United Nations' Charter, the question of Indonesia was officially brought before the Security Council by Jacob Malik of the Soviet Unions. Soon afterwards, on February 10, 1946, the first official meeting of Indonesian and Dutch representatives took place under the chairmanship of Sir Archibald Clark Kerr. But the freedom fight continued and Dutch military aggressions met with stiff resistance from Indonesian troops.
  The Indonesian Government conducted a diplomatic offensive against the Dutch. With the good offices of Lord Killearn of Great Britain, Indonesian and Dutch representatives met at Linggarjati in West Java. The negotiations resulted in the de facto recognition by the Dutch of Indonesia's sovereignty over Java, Sumatra and Madura. The Linggarjati Agreement was initiated on November 1946 and signed on March 25, 1947.
  But the agreement was a violation of Indonesia's independence proclamation of August 17, 1945, which implied sovereignty over the whole territory of the Republic. As such, it met with the widespread disapproval of the people. Hence, guerrilla fighting continued, bringing heavy pressure on Dutch troops. In July 1947 the Dutch launched a military offensive to reinforce their urban bases and to intensify their attacks on guerrilla strongholds. The offensive was, however, put to end by the signing of the Renville Agreement on January 17, 1948. The negotiation was initiated by India and Australia and took place under the auspices of the UN Security Council.
  It was during these critical moments that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) stabbed the newly- proclaimed Republic of Indonesia in the back by declaring the formation of the "Indonesian People's Republic" in Madiun, East Java. Muso led an attempt to overthrow the Government, but this was quickly stamped out and he was killed. In violation of the Renville agreement, on December 19, 1948, the Dutch launched their second military aggression. They invaded the Republic capital of Yogyakarta, arrested President Soekarno, Vice-President Mohammad Hatta and other leaders, and detained them on the island of Bangka, off the east coast of Sumatra. A caretaker Government, with headquarters in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, was set up under Syafruddin Prawiranegara.
  On the initiative of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru of India, a meeting of 19 nations was convened in New Delhi that produced a resolution for submission to the United Nations, pressing for total Dutch surrender of sovereignty to the Republic of Indonesia by January 1, 1950. It also pressed for the release of all Indonesian detainees and the return of territories seized during the military actions. On January 28, 1949, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution to establish a cease-fire, the release of Republican leaders and their Yogyakarta. The Dutch, however, were adamant and continued to occupy the city of Yogyakarta by ignoring of the Republican Government and the National Army. They deliberately issued a false statement to the world that the Government and the army of the Republic of Indonesia no longer existed.
  To prove that the Dutch claim was a mere fabrication, Lieutenant Colonel Soeharto led an all-out attack on the Dutch troops in Yogyakarta on March 1, 1949, and occupied the city for several hours. This offensive is recorded in Indonesia's history as "the first of March all-out attack" to show to the world at the time that the Republic and its military were not dead. Consequently, on May 7, 1949, an agreement was signed by Mohammad Roem of Indonesia and Van Rooyen of the Netherlands, to end hostilities, restore the Republican Government in Yogyakarta, and to hold further negotiations at a round table conference under the auspices of the United Nations.

• World Recognition and Indonesia's Sovereignty
  The Round Table conference was opened in the Hague on August 23, 1949, under the auspices of the UN. It was concluded on November 2 with an agreement that Holland was to recognize the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia. On December 27, 1949 the Dutch East Indies ceased to exist. It now became the sovereign Federal Republic of Indonesia with a federal constitution. The constitution, inter alia, provided for a parliamentary system in which the cabinet was responsible to Parliament. The question of sovereignty over Irian Jaya, formerly West New Guinea, was suspended for further negotiations between Indonesia and the Netherlands. This issue remained a perpetual source of conflict between the two countries for more than 13 years. On September 28, 1950, Indonesia became a member of the United Nations.

• The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia
  On August 17, 1950 the Unitary State of the Republic on Indonesia, as originally proclaimed, was restored. However, the liberal democratic system of government was retained whereby the cabinet would be accountable to the House of Representatives. This was a source of political instability with frequent changes in government. In the absence of a stable government, it was utterly impossible for a newly-independent state to embark on any development program. With the return of the unitary state, the President once again assumed the duties of Chief Executive and the Mandatary of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly. He is assisted by a Vice-President and a cabinet of his own choosing. The Executive is not responsible to the House of Representatives.

• Challenges to the Unitary State
  The philosophy behind the Unitary State was that a pluralistic country like Indonesia could only be independent and strong if it was firmly united and integrated. This was obviously the answer to the Dutch colonial practice of divide and rule. Hence, the national motto was "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" as referred to earlier. However, no sooner was the Unitary State re-established then it had to face numerous armed rebellions. The Darul Islam rebels under Kartosuwiryo terrorized the countryside of West Java in their move to establish an Islamic State. It took years to stamp them out. Then there was the terrorist APRA band of former Dutch army captain Turco Westerling, which claimed the lives of thousands of innocent people.
  Outside Java, demobilized ex-colonial arm men who remained loyal to the Dutch crown, staged a revolt and proclaimed what they called "the Republic of South Maluku". In South Sulawesi an ex-colonial army officer, Andi Aziz, also rebelled. In Kalimantan Ibnu Hadjar led another armed revolt. Sumatra could also account for a number of separatist movements. And, to complete the list, the Indonesian Communist Party again staged an abortive coup under the name of 30th September movement, when they kidnaped and killed six of the country's top army generals in the early hours of October 1, 1965.

• The Asian-African Conference
  President Soekarno had to his credit the holding of the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, West Java, from April 18 to 24, 1955. The initiative was taken by Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Myanmar and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). The conference was attended by delegates from 24 Asian and African countries. The purpose of the meeting was to promote closer and amiable cooperation in the economic, cultural and political fields. The resolution adopted became known as the "Dasa Sila", or "The Ten Principles," of Bandung. It strived for world peace, respect for one another's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and for non-interference in each other's internal affairs. The resolution also sought to uphold the human rights principles of the United Nations. The Asian-African Conference became the embryo of the Non-Aligned Movement. The seeds that sprouted in Bandung took firm root six years later when 25 newly independent countries formally founded the Non-Aligned Movement at the Belgrade Summit of 1961. Since then the membership of the Movement has grown to its present strength of 112 member countries.

• The Beginning Of The New Order Government
  Over-confident of their strength and precipitated by the serious illness of President Soekarno, who was undergoing treatment by a Chinese medical team from Beijing, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) attempted another coup on September 30, 1965. The uprising, however, was abrupt and quickly stamped out by the Armed Forces under Major General Soeharto, then Chief of the Army's Strategic Command. On the night of September 30, or more precisely in the early hours of October 1, 1965, armed PKI men and members of Cakrabirawa, the President's security guard, set out to kidnap, torture and kill six top Army Generals. Their bodies were dumped in an abandoned well at Lubang Buaya, on the outskirts of Jakarta. The coup was staged in the wake of troop deployments to Kalimantan, at the height of Indonesia's confrontation with Malaysia. Moreover, at the time, many cabinet members were attending a celebration of the Chinese October Revolution in Beijing. It was during this power vacuum that the communists struck again.
  Under instructions from General Soeharto, crack troops of the Army's Commando Regiment (RPKAD) freed the central radio station (RRI) and the telecommunication center from communist occupation. Students made for the streets in militant demonstrations to fight for a three-point claim, or "Tritura," that aimed to ban the PKI, replace Soekarno's cabinet ministers, and reduce the prices of basic necessities. They set up a "street parliament" to gather the demands of the people.
  Under these explosive conditions, President Soekarno eventually gave in and granted Soeharto full power to restore order and security in the country. The transfer of power was effected by a presidential order known as "the 11th of March order" of 1966. Soon afterwards, on March 12, 1966, General Soeharto banned the PKI. This decision was endorsed and sanctioned by virtue of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly Decree No XXV/MPRS/1966. He also formed a new cabinet, but Soekarno remained as Chief Executive. This brought dualism into the cabinet, particularly when Soekarno did not show support for the cabinet's program to establish political and economic stability. Hence, a special session of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) was convened from March 7-12, 1967. The Assembly resolved to relieve Soekarno of his presidential duties and appointed Soeharto as Acting President, pending the election of a new President by an elected People's Consultative Assembly.

• The New Order Government
  Ever since taking office in 1967, the New Order Government of President Soeharto was determined to return constitutional life by upholding the 1945 Constitution in a strict and consistent manner and by respecting Pancasila as the state philosophy and ideology. To emerge from the political and economic legacy of Soekarno's Old Order, the new government set out to undertake the following:
  1. To complete the restoration of order and security and to establish political stability.
  2. To carry out economic rehabilitation.
  3. To prepare a plan for national development and execute it with the emphasis on economic development.
  4. To end confrontation and normalize diplomatic relations with Malaysia.
  5. To rejoin to the United Nations, which Indonesia had quit in January 1965.
  6. To consistently pursue an independent and active foreign policy.
  7. To resolve the West Irian question.
  8. To regain Indonesia's economic credibility overseas.
  9. To hold general elections once every five years.

• The Reform Order Government
  Since the outset of the First Five-Year Development Plan in 1969, Indonesia under the New Order Government of President Soeharto had endeavored to achieve its national devel-opment goals. Indonesia, indeed, had been able to achieve substantial progress in various fields which had been enjoyed by the majority of the Indonesian people. Indonesia had gained success in the national development. Unfortunately, economic crisis, which began with the monetary crisis, struck Indonesia as of July 1997.
  Since the middle of 1997, the people's standard of living dropped considerably. The de-cline in the people's standard of living was aggravated by various political tensions arising from the 1997 general elections. The political system which had been developed since 1966 turned out to be unable to accommodate the dynamism of the aspirations and interests of the community. This led to riots and disturbances. To a certain extend, they reflected the malfunc-tioning of the political order and of the government, finally causing this situation to develop into a political crisis.
  The accumulation of the economic crisis and the political crisis became a triggered factor for crisis in confidence. This applied not just to officials and state-running institutions, but also began to touch on the system of values and the legal foundations that underpin the state-running institutions.
  A number of student demonstrations ensued, including the occupation of the People's Consultative Assembly/House of People's Representatives compound. They appealed for po-litical and economic reform; demanded President Soeharto to step down and stamp out cor-ruption, collusion and nepotism. Critical moments prevailed in the capital, Jakarta, and other towns from 12 to 21 May 1998. On 12 May a tragedy happened in the Trisakti University Campus, causing the death of four students. On 18 May the leadership of the House suggested the President resign. The President's effort to accommodate the developing aspirations of the people by forming a re-form cabinet and a reform committee never materialized as there was no adequate support from various circles.
  Finally, on 21 May 1998, , President Soeharto, after a 32-year rule of the New Order Government resigned. Pursuant to Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution and the People's Consul-tative Assembly decree no VII/1973, he handed over the country's leadership to Vice-President Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie.

A day after his installment as the third president, Habibie formed the Reform Development Cabinet. He picked the ministers from the various political and social forces, including three politicians from the two minority parties, the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). to provide the needed synergy.

President B.J. Habibie outlined the agenda for reform during his presidency as follows:

1. rooting out corruption, collusion and nepotism, and create a clean government.

2. reviewing the five political laws upon which the current political system is bound. They are the laws on mass organization, the House of Representatives (DPR), the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), political parties, regional administrations and elections.

3. implementing sweeping reform in all sectors, including in the political, economic, and legal fields, to enable the government to satisfy mounting demands for a strong and clean government.

4. boosting output from the agriculture, agribusiness, exportoriented industry and tourism sectors.

5. safeguarding the implementation of the 1998/99 state budget

6. accelerating the bank restructuring program

7. resolving the problem of corporate foreign debts.

8. conducting a special session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in November 1998, followed by General Elections on May 1999.

The first and only general election ever held during the rule of the Old Order took place in 1955. Even that election did not produce a strong cabinet with a solid back-up in Parliament. On the contrary, because political conditions continued to deteriorate, the President ordered the formation of a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution. However, as mentioned earlier, this only ended in a total deadlock which led the president to take all the power of the state into his own hands under the pretext of guided democracy.
Since the birth of the New Order in 1966 seven General Elections had been held, namely in 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997 and the last general election was held in June 7, 1999. Indonesians vote for representatives at three levels: the House of Representatives (DPR), the provincial assemblies (DPRD-I) and regency assemblies (DPRD-II). Every citizens of Indonesia has the right to cast his/her vote in the election. Political parties in Indonesia were simplified in 1973.
Since that time until the general election of 1997, there were two political parties, the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), plus the Functional Group (Golkar). Golkar emerged as the winning party at every election ever held during the New Order Government.
Indonesia's eight general election held in June 7, 1999 was the first general election in the Reform Order Cabinet under the President B.J. Habibie administration. Forty-eight (48) political parties contested the election, under the observation of both domestic and international observers and great coverage of a free press. It was noted as the most democratic and transparent general election in Indonesia. People were to choose 462 legislators from at least 10,500 candidates from 48 political parties to represent them at the 500-member House Representatives. The remaining 38 seats have been allocated to the military, whose members have relinquished their rights to vote.
The result of 1999 General Election are: Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-Perjuangan) on top of the list followed by its four contenders: the Golkar Party, the National Awakening Part) fPKB). the United Development Party fPPP) and the National Mandate (PKB), the United Development Party (PPP) a Party (PAN). Law No. 3 of 1999 on General Election Based on MPR Decree No. XIV/MPR/1998 concerning Amendment and Supplement of MPR Decree No. 111/MPR/1998 on General Elections, a general election is held democratically and transparently based on the principle of being just, fair, direct, general, free, and secret.
Law No .3 of 1999 stipulates the aim of general election is to elect people to sit in the people's consultative institution/ representations, to form a government, to continue the struggle to fill up the ideals of independence, and to maintain the integrity the state of the Republic of Indonesia. The system of election is a proportional system based on the list mechanism. The number of DPR seats in each electoral region is decided on the basis on the number of population in the first level region, with the stipulation that each second level region will get at least one se. Then the number of DPR seats in each electoral region is decided the General Election Commission (KPU). The number of seats in a Provincial Legislative Assembly (DPRD is a minimum of 45 and a maximum of 100 depending upon the number of population in the first level region (province). Then, each second level region (district or municipality) will get at least one DPRD-I seat. The number of DPRD-II (District or Municipality Assembly) seats is a minimum of 20 and a maximum of 45, depending on the number of population in the second level region. Every sub-district will get at lest one DPRD-II seat.
General Elections are implemented by the independent Ger Election Commission (KPU), consisting of political parties participating in the General Election and government representatives who responsible to the President. The working period of the electoral committee (KPU) for the 1999 General Election will end one year before the 2004 General Election. To control General Elections implementation, the Supervisory Committee is established at Central. Provincial. District/Regency and Subdistrict level. The composition of the Supervisory Committee is determined by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for the Central Level, the Chairman of Provincial Court of Appeals for the First Level, the Chief Judge of the District Court for the Second and Subdistrict Levels.
Domestic and foreign monitoring institutes should register with the KPU. Some of monitoring institutes: University Network for a Free and Fair Election (UNFREL). Rector Forum, European Union Carter Center, National Assembly for Monitoring Free and Fair Election/NAMFREL (the Philippines). The relationship and organization among the monitoring bodies and KPU as well as the Organizing Committees from the Central Level down to the Polling Stations (TPS). is further regulated by the Supreme Court in coordination with KPU.

The 1999 General session of the People's consultative Assembly (MPR) was held in two stages. October 1-3 and October 14-21. The Assembly commenced its activities with inauguration of new members, establishment of factions, election of its speaker, and formation of the executive committee.
During the Plenary Session, the MPR established 11 (eleven) factions, namely those of the Love the nation Democratic Party (F-PDKB), the Indonesian Military and National Police (F-TNI/POLRI), the National Awakening Party (F-PDKB), the Interest Group (F-UG). the Golkar Party of Reform (F-PG), Reformation (F-Reform), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (F-PDIP), the Crescent Moon and Star (F-BB), Indonesian Nationhood, United people's Sovereignty (F-PDU) and United Development (F-PP) In this first stage the Session elected Amin Rais (chairman of National Mandate Party) as Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly 1999-2004 and installed seven deputy speakers who are H. Matory Abduidjalil (F-PKB), Hari Sabarno (F-TNI/POLRI), Ginanjar Kartasasmita (F-PG), Kwik Klan Gie (F-PDIP), Nazri Adiani (F-UG), HusniThamrin (F-PP), and JusufAmir Feisal (F-BB).
At the conclusion of its session, on October 20 and 21, the People's consultative Assembly elected the President and vice-president of the Republic of Indonesia for the period of 1999-2004. Prior to this important task, the session reviewed the accountability address of the outgoing President Habibie which was delivered before the Assembly on October 14. In his address Habibie listed the release of political prisoners and a freedom of expression for the people and the press as stronger macroeconomic indicators of his achievement during his leadership. Yet, the report failed to mention the failings that dogged his administration. Habibie was given the chance to respond to his critics, but his last effort failed to appease the majority of the Assembly.
The accountability address was rejected and Habibie withdrew from his presidential nomination as a candidate from Golkar Party. Until shortly before the presidential election there were four candidates for presidency: Megawati Soekarnoputri of Indonesia democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP). Abdurrahman Wahid who was nomi-nated by the so called "Axis Force' (alliance of Moslem-based parties and the National Mandate Party). Akbar Tandjung Golkar Party chairman and Yusril lhza Mahendra Crescent moon and Star Party chairman. Yet. before the start of balloting Akbar Tandjung and Yusril lhxa Mahendra withdrew from their nomination.
With only two candidates remaining, the Assembly split its support for Megawati and Abdurrahman Wahid. KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, better known as Gus Dur indisputably became Indonesia's fourth President when he secured 373 votes out of the total 691. With five abstentions Megawati obtained 313 votes.The newly elected 59 year old President, and internationally acclaimed moderate Moslem leader, is one of the National Awakening Party founders. He started his political career when in 1984 he was elected chairman of the Nahdiatui Ulama Islamic Organization. The Vice-presidential election which took place on the last day of the session listed four candidates. Megawati Soekarnoputri, Hamzah Haz United Development Party (PP) chairman. Akbar Tandjung Golkar Party Chairman and Gen. Wiranto Indonesian Military (TNI) chief. Shortly before the balloting. Akbar Tanjung and Wiranto dropped out of the race.
After a dramatic counting of votes Megawati Soekarnoputri (PDI-P) came out as the country's eighth vice-president with 396 votes of a total 685. There were five abstentions, thus Hamzah Haz obtained 284.

Aside from the elections of Indonesia's President and vice-president. the assembly, based on article 37 of the 1945 constitution. amended Article 5 clause (1), article 7, article 9, article 13 clause (2), article 14, article 15, article 17 clause (2) and (3), Article 20 and Article 21 of the 1945 constitution. In the meantime, the House of People's Representatives has elected Akbar Tandjung chairman of the House with four deputies, namely Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno, Hamzah Haz, Khofifah Indar Parawansa and AM. Fatwa.
The House of Representatives also endorsed the job description of its 500 members who are grouped to work in nine commission:
Commission I on Defense, Security, and Foreign Affair;
Commission II on Law and Home Affairs
Commission III on Agriculture and Food
Commission IV on Transportation and Infrastructure
Commission V on Industry and Trade
Commission VI on Religion and Human Resources
Commission VII on Population and Welfare
Commission VIII on Mining and Energy
Commission IX on Finance and Development Planning

The General Session adopted nine decrees:

1. Decree No. 1/MPR/1999 concerning the Fifth amendment of the Decree No. 1/MPR/1983 on the Assembly's internal rules. The new decree stipulates that the Assembly leadership comprise one speaker and a maximum of seven deputies who represent the political party factions that meets electoral threshold, Armed Forces/National police, and the various interest groups.

2. Decree No. 11/MPR/1999 on MPR Internal rules include the tasks of the Assembly's speaker and working committee, member's immunity, decision making process, constitution amendment, the broad outlines of the State policy (GBHN) and the President's accountability report.

3. Decree No. 111/MPR/1999 on the Accountability of Indonesial President Prof. Dr. Ing. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie stipulate; that Habibie's accountability address before the I 1th Plenary Session on October 17, 1999 was rejected by the Assembly.

4. Decree No. IV/MPR/1999 on the Broad Outlines of the State Policy (GBHN) for the period of 1999-2004 consist of: Introduction General Condition, Vision and Mission, Policy implementation and Closing.

5. Decree No.V/MPR/999 concerning East Timor Balloting. The MPI endorses the result of the August 30 ballot, and relinquish East Timor after 23 years integration with Indonesia.

6. Decree No.VI/MPR/1999 regulates the nomination and election of the President and vice-president. The next president/Vice President should win the support of the majority of the people, are not involved in banned organisations, are not serving a jail sentence are mentally healthy, and have the vision to maintain the nation's unity.

7. Decree no. VIII/MPR/1999 stipulates the designation of K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid as president of the Republic of Indonesia for the five year period of 1999-2004.

8. Decree No. VII/MPR/1999 stipulates the designation of Megawati Soekarnoputri as vice-president of the Republic of Indonesia for the five year period of 1999-2004.

9. Decree no. IX/MPR/1999 assigns the MPR Working Committee to continue the amendment of the 1945 of Constitution

Integration

With the advent of World War II the Japanese ousted both the Dutch and Portuguese from Timor, as well as from the rest of Indonesia. When Japan surrendered to the allied forces in 1945, Indonesians proclaimed the independence of their country which covers the areas of the former Netherlands East Indies.
In the mean time, East Timor was returned to the Portuguese by the Allied Forces after the war and the people stayed colonized. They had made several attempts to fight the Portuguese and join Indonesia, but they were suppressed by the colonial regime. Not until 1974 did the Portuguese give them a chance to decide their own political future. In a statement on May 28, 1974, the Governor of Portuguese Timor, Colonel Fernando Alves Aldela, granted the people permission to form political parties.
The response was the emergence of five political parties - UDT (Uniao Democratica Timorese), FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independent), APODETI (Associacao Popular Democratica de Timor), KOTA (Klibur Oan Timur Aswain) and TRABALHISTA (Labor Party). Through lack of popular support, FRETILIN resorted to terror tactics, threats and blackmail in an attempt to intimidate members of the other parties. This caused growing tension throughout the colony and sparked an inevitable civil war.
On August 27, 1975, the Governor and other Portuguese officials abandoned the capital of Dili. fled to Atauro Island and left FRETILIN free to continue its reign of terror. FRETILIN was even supplied with arms from the Portuguese army arsenal. On November 28 of the same year, FRETILIN unilaterally "declared the independence" of East Timor and announced the formation of "the Democratic Republic of East Timor". In the light of these developments, on November 30, 1975, at Balibo, UDT, APODETI, KOTA and TRABALHISTA proclaimed the independence of the territory and its simultaneous integration with Indonesia.
On December 17, 1975, the four parties announced the establishment of the Provisional Government of East Timor in Dili. On May 31, 1976, the duly elected People's Assembly of East Timor decided in an open session to formally integrate the territory with the Republic of Indonesia. A bill on this integration was approved by the Indonesian House of Representatives on July 15, 1976 and, with the promulgation by the President, became Law on July 17. East Timor has since been the 27'h province of Indonesia with all the rights and duties under the 1945 Constitution of the Republic.

Proposal for a Special Status
The search for solution of the East Timor issue entered a new round after President B.J. Habibie on June 18, 1998 proposed the special status with wide-ranging autonomy to East Timor as the complete formula of solution. This was valued for East Timor as the complete formula of solution and was valued by Secretary General of the United Nations as a positive development which need follow up. For further action, the UN Secretary General held a tripartite dialogue meeting between Indonesian and the Portuguese Foreign Ministers under the auspices of the UN Secretary General in New York on 4-5 August, 1998, to discuss officially the Indonesian proposal.
In that meeting, both countries had agreed to continue discussing the Indonesian proposal at higher official levels without influencing the basic position of both sides. They also agreed that the UN Secretary General would continue consulting with East Timorese prominent leaders and groups living in East Timor and abroad. The consultation was aimed at explaining about the discussion progress on East Timor issue in the Tripartite Dialogue and for a solution.
The New York meeting also agreed to open Interest Section in respective capitals on November 27. 1998. namely, Interest Section of Indonesia at the Embassy of Thailand in Lisbon and Interest Section of the Portuguese at the Embassy of the Netherlands in Jakarta. This step was taken to enhance the sense of confidence and understanding each other in order to help smooth visits between both countries.
Concerning the proposal for a Special Status to East Timor, the attitude of Indonesian government has been clearly stated as follows:

a. The Indonesian government is prepared to give special status with wide-ranging autonomy to East Timor as part of the final solution on the East Timor Issue, which is considered fair and acceptable by concerned parties. Therefore, Indonesia agreed to discuss substantive elements of wide-ranging autonomy to East Timor in the Tripartite Dialogue Meeting conducted under the auspices of the UN Secretary General.

b. Indonesia holds the opinion that in view of historical, political. cultural, social and geographical factors as well as condition related to East Timor issue, to give special status with wide-ranging autonomy for East Timor as part of the Republic of Indonesia is tne most realistic and viable solution for the East Timor issue and it has the most peaceful prospects. On the other hand. in view of historical couurse, which is full of disturbances and shed of bloodshed. the proposal of referendum for East Timor will only re-open old wounds and trigger armed-disputes and conflicts and even raise dissension of civil-war.

c. Mentioned autonomy government tor East Timor WTII have extensive freedom to manage its government and people in the political, economic, social, cultural and religious sectors in accordance with East Timorese aspirations, except the aspects of: (1) external defense: (2) foreign policy: (3) monetary and fiscal affairs.

The special status with extensive autonomy will not be practiced unilaterally by the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, but it will be realized after it has been discussed and agreed jointly with the Portuguese through the Tripartite Dialogue. It is expected that this effort will be explicitly recognized as the formula of solution for the East Timor issue and will end the conflicts between Indonesia and the Portuguese on the political status of East Timor. In other words the special status with extensive autonomy becomes the progress of Indonesian attitude and reflects an honest and strong wish of the Indonesian government to solve the East Timor issue by taking middle ground and accommodate certain sides that have been opposing the integration.

The Second Option
The sincerity of the Indonesian government in the effort to seek peaceful solution acceptable by all sides was again performed by the issuance of Decision of Plenary Cabinet Session on January 27, 1999, on what was called "the second option" namely: If the proposal for a special status with wide-ranging autonomy is rejected by the majority of East Timor People, the government will propose an option to the newly elected MPR General Session to separate East Timor from Indonesia peacefully, respectfully and constitutionally.

The Plenary Cabinet Session of May 3, 1999. also ratified the three agreements concerning East Timor, resulted from Tripartite Dialogue:

1. Principal agreement between Indonesia and the Portuguese government. including its annex in the form of constitutional frame of special autonomy for East Timor:

2. Agreement on implementation modality of autonomy ballot for East Timor; o Agreement on security arrangement. This agreement plus its annex was signed by Indonesia and the Portuguese and witnessed by the UN Secretary General.

The government of Indonesia is committed to implement the contents of the signed agreements. In this relation, the outcome of the implementation as well as process of ballot taking by East Timor people will be very much decided by the capability of the Indonesian Armed Forces, especially POLRI (Indonesian Police), in keeping and guaranteeing security and stability, including the safety of the UN personnel in East Timor who are participating in the preparations of the ballot on August 30 to determine whether the population accepts Jakarta's for offer autonomy.
The New York Agreement, dated May 5, 1999. contains the truth perception and attitude of the Indonesian policy mentioned that the special status with the wide-ranging autonomy for East Timor is a better and peaceful way to solve the East Timor problems for the sake of East Timorese. the Indonesian people as well as peace and security in the area, which would contribute to world peace as a whole. The signing of the treaty concerning the special autonomy for East Timor with its two complementary agreements was a historical milestone for the solution of the East Timor problems.
That event was the culmination of Indonesian Government's diplomacy efforts to reach solution on international related matters. It also gave directions to East Timor to consider taking ballots of the East Timorese concerning the special autonomy package in accordance with the agreement reached by Tripartite Dialogue.

The Ballot
In August 30, 1999, the East Timorese cast their votes in a large peaceful direct ballot. The ballot was conducted by the UNAMET (United Mission in East Timor) under the agreement reached by lndonesia and Portugal. Over 80% of the 451,000 registered voters turned out at pollir booth. Meanwhile those of East Timorese living outside the provini thronged to polling stations across the country, i.e. Yogyakarta Ujungpandang, Surabaya and Denpasar. The official announcement, made simultaneously on September 1999, in New York, Lisbon and Jakarta.
The pro-independence group won by a landslide of 78.5% against 21.5% grabbed by supporters the integration/autonomy camp. The votes considered valid were 438,968 of the total 446,953 cast votes.
The result of the ballot has shown that the East Timorese have rejected an offer by the Government for wide-ranging autonomy within Indonesia and from an independent state.
After almost two and half decades of conflict, this territory new stands on the threshold of independence one an orderly and peaceful transition period has taken place. However the violence and rampaged perpetrated by anti independence force as a protest against the outcome of the referendum occurred. It caused the UN personnel evacuated from East Timor, followed by foreign and Indonesian journalist.
Meanwhile thousands refugees flee their homes in East Timor. Indonesia, which under the May 5, 1999 agreement is responsible for the security arrangement in East Timor, has come under strong criticism for its failure to promote peace and order in the run-up and after the ballot. Considering the high tension of anarchy in East Timor following the announcement of the ballot results and facing the strong international pressure on handling violence in East Timor, President B.J. Habibie announced the Indonesian government's readiness to accept a United Nation peacekeeping force, the International Force for East Timor (Interfet), to the troubled territory.
The UN peacekeeping force, coming from friendly nation, would work in cooperation with the Indonesian military (TNI) to restore peace and security in East Timor, to protect the people, and to implement the result of the direct ballot of the 30th of August 1999. Through the Decree No.V/MPR/999, Indonesian People Consultative Assembly (MPR) endorses the result of the August 30 ballot, and relinquish East Timor after 23 years integration with Indonesia.